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Charles E. Coughlin

Charles E. Coughlin


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Charles Edward Coughlin was een van die eerste mense wat 'n massa -opvolger op die radio ontwikkel het en dit na politieke doeleindes gewend het. Hy dien in verskillende gemeentes voordat hy in 1923 aan die Shrine of the Little Flower in Detroit, Michigan, gestuur word. Hy begin sy radio -uitsendings in 1926 en beperk hom eers tot godsdienstige onderwerpe. Aanvanklik was hy die voorstander van Roosevelt se New Deal, maar toe FDR vriendelik teenoor bankiers was, het Coughlin hom toenemend teen hom gekeer. By die verkiesing van 1936 met groot verwagtinge het die Unieparty egter minder as 'n miljoen stemme gekry. Uitsendings van Coughlin van Father het 'n toenemend antisemitiese toon aangeneem en hy word daarvan beskuldig dat hy fascisme ondersteun. Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het sy superieure Edward -kardinaal Mooney hom beveel om sy radio -uitsendings en sy publikasie te staak Sosiale geregtigheid is uit die pos gestuur. In 1944 word sy National Union for Social Justice ontbind en Coughlin val uit die oog; ondanks die opbou van tien miljoen of meer gereelde luisteraars, kon Coughlin sy bereik nooit in politieke resultate vertaal nie. Sy sienings was van 'n Katolieke geestelikes, maar die groot verskeidenheid Katolieke opvattings kan beoordeel word deur die gelyktydige bestaan ​​van die National Catholic Welfare Conference.


In Amerikaanse geskiedenis

Coughlin se gebruik van die radio in hierdie beskuldigings het hom bekendheid verwerf as die uitvinder van “hate radio ” (Warren). Coughlin se gebruik van radio het sy antisemitisme uitgesaai na 'n groter gehoor as wat vroeër demagoges geniet het. Lank nadat sy gewildheid verbygegaan het, het Coughlin se teorieë oor die internasionale Joodse banksake 'n goeie gedy onder Amerikaanse regse bewegings.

Charles Edward is op 22 Oktober 1891 in Hamilton, Ontario, gebore as enigste kind vir vroom katolieke ouers. Die kerk en sy ma oorheers die jong Charles se lewe. Coughlin, wat in 1916 verordineer is, het by die Basiliaanse godsdienstige orde aangesluit en standaard geestelike pligte in Katolieke gemeentes in die suide van Ontario verrig. In 1923 verlaat Coughlin die Basiliërs en verhuis na die voorstedelike Detroit.


Radioloopbaan en politiek

In 1926 ontvang Coughlin 'n afspraak in 'n gebrekkige gemeente in Royal Oak, Michigan, 'n klein voorstad noord van Detroit. Die gemeente het gebuk gegaan onder lae lidmaatskap, onvoldoende fasiliteite en teistering deur Ku Klux Klan. Deur die hulp van 'n gemeentelid het Coughlin begin met die radioprogram The Little Flower (vernoem na die beskermheilige van die gemeente, St. Therese van Liesieux) om fondse in te samel. Die histrioniese praatvermoëns van Coughlin het vinnig belangstelling gewek, en die program het uitgebrei op radiomarkte in die Midde -Weste. Binne 'n jaar het Coughlin sy programme landwyd uitgesaai.

Die vroeë uitsendings van Coughlin het 'n ironiese gees gehad. Namate sy gewildheid toeneem, het Coughlin begin om die wortels van sosiale euwels, soos anti-Katolieke dwaasheid, te ondersoek. Pos het na die gemeente Royal Oak gestroom, wat veroorsaak het dat Coughlin ekstra sekretarisse in diens geneem het om dit te bestuur. Tydens die Groot Depressie het ekonomiese kwessies in elke weeklikse uitsending verskyn.

Coughlin het besigheidsbelange uitgespreek omdat hy die werkersklas laat spaar het en sy gewildheid gevolglik toegeneem het. Volgens Coughlin was die Verenigde State 'n Christenvolk, en Amerikaners het sekere regte wat deur God en die Grondwet verleen is, soos persoonlike outonomie, privaat eiendom en die reg om te werk.

Alles wat hierdie regte bedreig, was nie net onpatrioties nie, maar ook baie demonies. In die vroeë 1930's het Coughlin Social Justice geskep, 'n publikasie wat sy uitsendings en ander artikels bevat wat simpatiek was vir die Katolieke sosiale hervorming, om sy boodskap verder te versprei (Brinkley Warren).

Tydens die 1932 -verkiesing verklaar Coughlin dat Franklin D. Roosevelt die enigste kandidaat is wat oor die vaardighede beskik wat nodig is om die nasie te laat herleef. Coughlin het homself as een van die veldverteenwoordigers van FDR beskou. Maar hoe meer Coughlin hom vir 'n federale administratiewe rol beywer, hoe meer het die Roosevelt -administrasie hom weerlê. Gedurende 1934 het die uitsendings van Coughlin ’ vinnig oorgegaan van lof tot kritiek op Roosevelt en die New Deal.

Coughlin beweer dat Roosevelt se groot sakeverbindings die wortels van verteenwoordigende demokrasie bedreig. Deur sy radiogehoor aan te moedig om kongreslede te skryf, het Coughlin die nederlaag verseker van Roosevelt se poging om in 1935 by die Wêreldhof aan te sluit, sowel as by die wetsontwerp op die federale herorganisasie van 1938.

Gerald L. K. Smith, 'n evangeliese predikant en een van die organiseerders van Huey Long ’ in Lousiana, het Coughlin oortuig om sy enorme radiovolgende en populistiese program te verenig met Francis Townsend se landwye pensioenprojek vir bejaarde Amerikaners. Coughlin en Smith het die National Union Party (NUP) gestig om hul ondersteuners in 'n derde politieke party te organiseer.

Spekulasie suggereer dat die NUP genoegsame vermoë gehad het om die Roosevelt -juggernaut in 1936 uit te daag. As priester kon Coughlin nie die amp uitoefen nie, en hy en Smith kies eerder die kongreslid van North Dakota, William Lemke. Ondersteuning het egter vinnig agteruitgegaan, Roosevelt het die oorwinning behaal, en Coughlin en Smith het uitmekaar geskei (Jeansonne Warren).

Die National Union for Social Justice, wat Coughlin in 1934 gestig het, het 'n Katolieke benadering tot die sosiale en ekonomiese hervorming van die land gevolg. Coughlin het die unieke beheer oor die agenda van die National Union behou, sodat dit deeglik Katolieke interpretasies van populistiese oplossings uitgespreek het.

Antisemitisme en Katolisisme

Die onversoenbare boodskap van die Amerikaanse katolisisme oor Amerikaanse materialisme en lydende Christendom het Coughlin se afkoms bespoedig om by Smith aan te sluit in antisemitiese demagogie. Coughlin het die Nazi -regime van Adolf Hitler geprys vir sy sukses in die beperking van die Joodse invloed op Duitse nasionale belange.

Alhoewel sy gewildheid aan die einde van die dertigerjare afgeneem het, het Kristallnacht Coughlin, selfs na Duitsland, nog steeds miljoene ondersteuners geniet. Baie van die gewilde steun van Coughlin kom van katolieke wat meen dat die priester hul enigste advokaat in die kerk is. Hy was die enigste priester wat bereid was om die biskoppe te kritiseer vir hul uiters lewenstyl.

Die Ierse erfenis van Coughlin het die intellektuele raamwerk vir sy antisemitisme verskaf. Die geskrifte van Dennis Fahey, 'n priester wat Katolieke filosofie en sosiale denke in Dublin geleer het, het die sosiale en ekonomiese omwentelinge die skuld gegee vir die Joodse sameswering.

Behalwe dat Jesus Christus vermoor is, het Fahey aangevoer, was Jode verantwoordelik vir die Protestantse Hervorming, die Franse Revolusie, industrialisering se sosiale probleme en die Volkebond (Athans). Coughlin het vinnig die antisemitisme van Fahey in sy radio -uitsendings en artikels oor Social Justice opgeneem, aangesien die National Union Party 'n verleentheid in die verkiesing verloor het.

In 1938 herdruk die tydskrif Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Toe Coughlin gewaarsku is oor die egtheid daarvan, beweer Coughlin bloot dat die dokument, al dan nie vervals, die wêreldgebeure akkuraat voorspel het. Sy radio -uitsendings het steeds verbindings getrek tussen die depressie in die Verenigde State, gewapende konflik in Europa en internasionale Joodse finansies.

Daar word gerug dat Coughlin verskeie ekonomiese en politieke kontakte met Nazi -figure in die Verenigde State en Duitsland het. Toe die Verenigde State die Tweede Wêreldoorlog betree, het Coughlin daarop aangedring dat Jode die konflik begin het om hul eie agenda te bevorder. Terwyl die federale owerhede en die eie administratiewe owerhede van Coughlin besluit het om hom stil te maak, wissel die priester tussen uitdrukkings van militante verset en sagmoedige instemming.

Coughlin het geglo dat hy die slagoffer was van geheime magte wat hom tot sy vernietiging verbind het. Christus het geldskieters uit die tempel gegooi en gevolglik gekruisig, het Coughlin sy stilte op soortgelyke wyse uitgebeeld. Die oorblywende gehoor van Coughlin, wat meestal bestaan ​​uit Duitse en Ierse katolieke in die stedelike noordooste, versterk net die besluit om die priester te ondersteun.

Stilte en einde van loopbaan

Die gewildheid van Coughlin en onophoudelike antisemitisme het onrus onder die kerk se owerhede veroorsaak. Katolieke het so onlangs as in die 1920's te kampe gehad met aansienlike anti-Katolieke vyandigheid, wat die vroeë uitsendings van Coughlin merkbaar verminder het. Namate Coughlin meer gefokus het op politiek en antisemitisme, wou kerkleiers amptelike leerstellings onderskei van die persoonlike posisie van Coughlin.

Die Katolieke biskop van Detroit, Michael Gallagher, het egter baie van die kritiek afgewyk. Na die dood van Gallagher in 1937, probeer die nuwe biskop van Detroit, Edward Mooney, herhaaldelik om Coughlin stil te maak, en dwing sy radioprogram in 1940 uit die lug.

Lede van Christian Front, 'n landswye organisasie wat Coughlin vir jong Katolieke mans gestig het, is gearresteer weens sameswerings teen die regering en bendegeweld in Joodse woonbuurte. In 1942 staak Social Justice die publikasie, en Mooney verbied Coughlin om oor enige politieke aangeleentheid te praat of te skryf. Coughlin keer terug na die anonimiteit van Detroit.

Terwyl hy die bewerings van rassisme gedurende die sestigerjare afgewys het, word Coughlin sedertdien opgemerk as 'n vroeë voorloper van wit separatistiese bewegings en Holocaust -revisionisme (Kaplan, 67 󈞳 Warren, 5 𔃄). Sy antisemitiese retoriek met geweld oor die internasionale Joodse sameswering help om die verband te verduidelik. Coughlin is op 27 Oktober 1979 in Royal Oak, Michigan, oorlede.


Ds. Coughlin in The News

Ds. Charles E. Coughlin het almal aangeval, van Franklin Roosevelt tot groot groepe in sy radioprogram en sy koerant "Social Justice". 'N Paar eggo's van sy populistiese retoriek kan nog steeds gehoor word in vandag se politieke debatte.

Hier is 'n paar van Coughlin se aanhalings soos berig in The Detroit News:

"Ek glo dat wanneer 'n bankier praat, jy die teenoorgestelde kan gaan en reg kan wees. Dit is die afgelope jare bewys."
- 6 Maart 1934 Ds. Coughlin

". Ons sal ons soewereiniteit as 'n vrye, onafhanklike nasie ruil of die besluite van 'n Wêreldhof as 'n supernasie aanvaar om ons sake te bestuur."
'Terwyl ons simpatie het met die Serwiër of die Rus, met die Jood in Duitsland of die Christen in Rusland, word die grootste deel van ons simpatie uitgebrei tot ons onteiende boer, ons troostelose arbeiders wat op die oomblik verpletter word terwyl die gees van internasionalisme loop hoog in die gange van die Capitol, in die hoop om deel te neem aan die regstelling van die wêreld terwyl chaos by ons deure raas. "
- 28 Januarie 1935

"Roosevelt het 'n swak handelsmerk van Russiese kommunisme. Ek dink dit is belangrik dat die leiers onder die kommuniste in die wêreld nooit internasionale bankiers aangeval het nie. Roosevelt sal nie aan die onderwerp raak nie."
- 31 Augustus 1935

'Ek hoef nie vir u te onthou dat beide die arbeiders- en landbouklasse in Amerika genoodsaak is om vir minder as 'n lewende loon te werk nie, terwyl die eienaars van die nywerheid met trots verklaar dat hul wins toeneem.'
- 6 April 1936

"As Jode volhard om die kommunisme regstreeks of onregstreeks te ondersteun, sal dit betreurenswaardig wees. Omdat hulle nie die pers, die radio en die bankhuis, waar hulle so prominent staan, gebruik om die kommunisme net so sterk te beveg as wat hulle teen Naziisme veg nie, nooi die Jode uit die beskuldiging om ondersteuners van kommunisme te wees. ”
- 28 November 1938

"Van Europese verstrengelinge, van Naziisme, kommunisme en hul toekomstige oorloë, moet Amerika afsydig staan. Hou Amerika veilig vir Amerikaners en die Stars and Stripes die verdediger van God."
- 2 Januarie 1939

"Moet die hele wêreld oorlog voer vir 600,000 Jode in Duitsland wat nie Amerikaanse, Franse of Engelse burgers is nie, maar burgers van Duitsland?"
- 30 Januarie 1939

"Op hierdie aarde moet jy aan die militante van die kerk behoort of die hel daaruit kry. Dit is die regte woord. Jy is óf saam met my óf teen my." Daar is geen middeweg in hierdie stryd tussen Christus en die anti-Christus nie. As jy uit die stryd tree, is jy erger as die seuns wat na Noorweë, Swede, gevlug het, die seuns wat die regering verlaat het.
- 11 Junie 1973


Charles E. Coughlin

Charles E. Coughlin was 'n Amerikaanse katolieke priester en 'n gewilde radiofiguur van die dertigerjare. Coughlin bedien van 1926 tot 1966 by die Shrine of the Little Flower in Royal Oak, Michigan, toe hy aftree.

In die eerste jaar van die Franklin D. Roosevelt -administrasie ondersteun Coughlin die Demokratiese president, maar breek na 'n kort rukkie met hom. Gedurende die dertigerjare gebruik Coughlin sy gewilde weeklikse radioprogram —, wat gemiddeld 3,5 miljoen luisteraars per week was-en sy tydskrif, Social Justice, om sy idees te versprei en sy vyande aan te val. Vanaf 1934 het Coughlin se doelwitte Roosevelt, individuele Joodse leiers en Joodse instellings ingesluit, almal gemerk as kommuniste.

Coughlin, 'n regse populis, bepleit 'n vorm van korporatisme wat beïnvloed word deur Italiaanse fascisme. In 1934 het Coughlin die National Union for Social Justice georganiseer waardeur hy aangevoer het dat nóg kapitalisme nóg demokrasie 'n toekoms in Amerika het. In 1938 ontwikkel die Nasionale Unie tot die Christelike Front wat nog meer vurig was in die steun van fascisme en 'n spreekbuis vir Nazi -propaganda geword het. Toe oorlog in Europa opdaag, ondersteun Coughlin isolationisme en beweer dat Joodse finansiers in die geheim agter die pogings was om die Verenigde State by die oorlog te betrek.

Coughlin het geglo dat daar 'n geheime wêreld Joodse sameswering bestaan. In 1938 verskyn sy tydskrif Sosiale geregtigheid die gediskrediteerde protokolle van die ouderlinge van Sion, wat volgens Coughlin akkuraat was, op volgorde gebring. Hierdie tsaristiese vervalsing was na bewering die notule van 'n konferensie van Joodse leiers wat beplan om die wêreld oor te neem.

Coughlin gebruik herhaaldelik die “ Joods-Bolsjewistiese bedreiging ” as tema en beweer dat die hele Sowjet-leierskap, insluitend Lenin en Joseph Stalin, Joods was. Coughlin beskuldig ook Amerikaanse Joodse finansiers, hoofsaaklik die Wall Street-firma Kuhn-Loeb, van samewerking met die Bolsjewiste in hul pogings om die Christendom in Rusland te ontwortel. Coughlin het in die openbaar verklaar dat hy nie 'n antisemiet was nie, maar het gesê dat al die kwale van die moderne samelewing veroorsaak word deur 'n kommunisties-Joodse sameswering.

Gedurende die dertigerjare het Joodse pogings om Coughlin te dwing om sy anti-Joodse retoriek af te skaal of hom heeltemal uit die lug te kry, misluk vanweë sy gewildheid en die steun wat hy van die biskop van Detroit gekry het. Coughlin het voortgegaan om te argumenteer teen Amerikaanse deelname aan die Tweede Wêreldoorlog, selfs na die Japannese aanval op Pearl Harbor. Hierdie argumente het daartoe gelei dat hy ongedaan gemaak het. Toe 'n sedisieverhoor moontlik lyk, beveel die biskop van Detroit Coughlin om op te hou uitsaai en die politiek heeltemal te verlaat.

Op die hoogtepunt van sy gewildheid het Coughlin meer pos gekry as president Roosevelt. Uit 'n openbare meningspeiling wat in 1938 gedoen is, blyk dit dat 25 persent van die ondervraagde al of die meeste van Coughlin se idees ondersteun. Coughlin was dus die mees sigbare van die Amerikaanse regse aktiviste gedurende die dertigerjare en sy antisemitisme het die Amerikaanse Jood baie ontstel.

Bron: Holocaust -ensiklopedie van die United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

Laai ons mobiele app af vir onmiddellike toegang tot die Joodse virtuele biblioteek


University of Detroit Mercy Archives

Abbott, Zane Allen. Radioprediking in die tydperk van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog: Die gevalle van Harry Emerson Fosdick en Charles Coughlin oor oorlog en vrede., 1994.

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Bennett, David Harry. Demagoges in die depressie American Radicals and the Union Party, 1932-1936. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1969.

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Bottini, Carlo Monte. Charles E. Coughlin: 'n Studie in demagogie., 1956.

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Brinkley, Alan. Protesstemme: Huey Long, Father Coughlin en die Groot Depressie. 1ste uitgawe New York: Knopf, 1982.

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Die Amerikaanse ervaring. die Radio Priester. Dir. McCullough, David G., Irv Drasnin, Judy Crichton, et al. 1 videokassette (58 minute). Drasnin Productions, Alexandria, VA: PBS Video verspreider, 1990.

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Mugglebee, Ruth. Vader Coughlin van die heiligdom van die blommetjie 'n verslag oor die lewe, werk en boodskap van dominee Charles E. Coughlin. Boston: L.C. Page & amp Co, 1933.

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Smith, Alson Jesse. Die "Christelike" front: Coughlin's Storm Troopers. New York: American League for Peace and Democracy, 1939.

Smith, Alson Jesse en die American League for Peace and Democracy. Die Storm -troepe van die Chritian Front Coughlin. 1ste uitgawe New York: American League for Peace and Democracy, 1939.

Spivak, John L. b. 1897. Heiligdom van die silwer dollar. New York: Modern Age Books, 1940.

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Stegner, Wallace Earle. Die radiopriester en sy kudde. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1949.

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Thomas, Norman en Socialist Party van New York. Wat is agter die 'Christelike Front'?. New York City: Socialist Party of New York, 1939.

Thomas, Norman. 'N Oop brief aan Huey Long en pa Coughlin .. Chicago: Ill., Np, 1900's.

Trager, Stanley. Vader Coughlin: Radiopriester van die depressie., 1966.

Tull, Charles J. Vader Coughlin en die New Deal. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 1965.

Tull, Charles Joseph. Vader Coughlin die New Deal en die verkiesing van 1936. Notre Dame, Ind: Universiteit van Notre Dame, 1962.

Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice en die Toledo -komitee. Nou doen Hy, Nou doen Hy dit nie. Toledo, Ohio: Toledo -komitee, Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice, 1940.

Ward, Louis B. Vader Charles E. Coughlin 'n gemagtigde biografie. Detroit: Mich., Tower Publications, 1933.

Warren, Donald I. Radiopriester: Charles Coughlin, die vader van Hate Radio. New York: Free Press, 1996.

Universiteit van Detroit Mercy,
'n Katolieke universiteit in die
Jesuïete en genade tradisies


Coughlin se antisemitiese sienings

Gedurende die 1920's is Coughlin se antisemitiese sienings in die lug gedemp. Na sy skeiding met Roosevelt en met die opkoms van nasionaal -sosialisme en fascisme in Europa, val hy egter Jode uitdruklik aan in sy uitsendings. Sommige historici skryf hierdie verandering toe aan Coughlin wat voordeel trek uit toenemende antisemitisme regoor die wêreld om homself relevant te hou. Op grond van sy toesprake, geskrifte en assosiasies blyk dit egter dat hy gedurende sy loopbaan beduidende antisemitiese sentiment gehad het.

In die dae en weke daarna Kristallnacht , Coughlin verdedig die geweld wat deur die Nazi-regime deur die staat geborg word. Hy het aangevoer dat Kristallnacht was geregverdig as weerwraak vir Joodse vervolging van Christene. Hy het op 20 November 1938 aan sy luisteraars verduidelik dat die 'kommunistiese regering van Rusland', 'die Lenins en Trotskys ... ateïstiese Jode en heidene', meer as 20 miljoen Christene vermoor het en '40 miljard dollar' gesteel het ... Christelike eiendom. ”

Coughlin het jare lank "internasionale bankiers" in die openbaar bespot, 'n frase wat die meeste van sy luisteraars verstaan ​​het dat dit Joodse bankiers was. Sulke antisemitiese sienings is op die bladsye van Sosiale geregtigheid . In 'n reeks artikels wat in 1938 gepubliseer is, het Coughlin 'Joodse' finansiers en hul beheer oor die wêreldpolitiek beledig. Hierdie artikels het 'n hoogtepunt bereik met 'n verhaal wat sy eie weergawe van die berugte vertel Protokolle van die ouderlinge van Sion . Hierdie antisemitiese publikasie sou valslik 'n notule wees van vergaderings van Joodse leiers wat van plan was om die wêreld oor te neem.


Amerikaanse ervaring

Eerwaarde Charles E. Coughlin

Een van die eerste openbare persone wat die luggolwe effektief gebruik het, Charles E. Coughlin, was 'n tyd lank een van die invloedrykste persoonlikhede op Amerikaanse radio. Op die hoogtepunt van sy gewildheid in die vroeë 1930's, het ongeveer 30 miljoen luisteraars ingeskakel om sy emosionele boodskappe te hoor. Baie van sy toesprake was wankelrig, ongeorganiseerd, herhalend, en soos die tyd aanstap, word dit toenemend vol kranksinnige retoriek. Maar as 'n kampioen van die armes, 'n vyand van groot ondernemings en 'n kritikus van federale onverskilligheid te midde van wydverspreide ekonomiese nood, het hy gepraat oor die hoop en vrese van laer-middelklas-Amerikaners in die hele land. Jare later onthou 'n ondersteuner die opgewondenheid om een ​​van sy byeenkomste by te woon: "Toe hy praat, was dit 'n opwinding soos Hitler. En die magnetisme was vreemd. Dit was so bedwelmend dat daar geen nut is om te sê waarvan hy gepraat het nie."

Coughlin, gebore in 'n godsdienstige godsdienstige Katolieke gesin op 25 Oktober 1891, het grootgeword in 'n gemaklike middelklashuis in Toronto. Hy is in 1916 tot die Katolieke priesterdom georden. Teen 1926 het Coughlin 'n sterk indruk gemaak op die biskop van Detroit, wat hom gemagtig het om die Heiligdom van die Klein Blommetjie te bou. Kenmerkend vir Coughlin se dramatiese buitensporighede, die kerk wat hy gebou het, wat bedoel was om 'n klein gemeente van ongeveer twee dosyn gesinne te bedien, het ongeveer 600 sitplekke. Vir banke het Coughlin teatersitplekke geïnstalleer.

In 1927 bied Coughlin die eerste Katolieke dienste op die radio aan. Hulle was 'n onmiddellike sukses. 'N Deel van Coughlin se aantrekkingskrag kan toegeskryf word aan sy begrip van wat die Amerikaanse publiek wou hoor, maar baie skryf sy gewildheid deels toe aan die geluid van sy oorvloedige stem. Die skrywer Wallace Stegner beskryf dit as 'n "stem van so 'n sagte rykdom, so 'n manlike, hartverwarmende vertroulike intimiteit, so 'n emosionele en verswarende sjarme, dat iemand wat daarby pas, byna outomaties terugkeer om dit weer te hoor." In die herfs van 1930 het CBS die radioprogram van Coughlin opgetel en dit vir die eerste keer oor 'n nasionale netwerk uitgesaai. Die priester het ongeveer 80 000 briewe per week begin ontvang.

In die presidensiële verkiesingsveldtog van 1932 was Coughlin 'n vaste voorstander van FDR en beweer dat dit óf 'Roosevelt óf ruïne' was. Vir Coughlin was die hoogtepunt van die veldtog 'n uitnodiging om by die Demokratiese Nasionale Konvensie te spreek. Alhoewel FDR sommige van Coughlin se retoriek geleen het, het hy na sy verkiesingsoorwinning afstand geneem van die radiopriester. Coughlin het meer kritiek op die Roosevelt -administrasie geword. In November 1934 stig Coughlin sy eie organisasie, die National Union for Social Justice. Twee jaar later begin hy 'n koerant wat in die land versprei word, publiseer, genaamd 'Social Justice', en namate sy openbare identifikasie met die New Deal-politiek van Roosevelt afneem, het hy begin soek na nader gronde by sommige van die mees regse en reaksionêre groepe in die land.

Alhoewel antisemitiese temas redelik vroeg in sy loopbaan in sommige van Coughlin se toesprake verskyn het, het die priester se retoriek eers in die laat dertigerjare toenemend gevul met aanvalle op Jode. Teen 1938 was die bladsye van "Social Justice" gereeld vol beskuldigings oor die Joodse beheer van die Amerikaanse finansiële instellings. In die somer van daardie jaar het Coughlin 'n weergawe van "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion" gepubliseer. Die 'protokolle' het Jode beskuldig dat hulle van plan was om die wêreld in beheer te neem, 'n wrede antisemitiese stuk propaganda wat aan die begin van die eeu in Rusland ontstaan ​​het. Joodse leiers was geskok oor Coughlin se optrede.

Later daardie jaar het die radiopriester miskien sy mees verstommende en haatlike toespraak tot nog toe gelewer. In reaksie op die "Kristallnacht" -aanval op 10 November 1938 op Jode in Duits-beheerde gebied, begin Coughlin met die vraag: "Waarom is daar vandag vervolging in Duitsland?" Hy het verder verduidelik dat 'Joodse vervolging eers gevolg het nadat Christene eers vervolg is'.

The owner of WMCA, the New York station that carried Coughlin's show, refused to broadcast Coughlin's next radio message. The Nazi press reacted to the news with fury: "America is Not Allowed to Hear the Truth" declared one headline. "Jewish organizations camouflaged as American. have conducted such a campaign. that the radio station company has proceeded to muzzle the well-loved Father Coughlin." A "New York Times" correspondent in Germany noted that Coughlin had become for the moment "the hero of Nazi Germany."


Coughlin, Father Charles

Agtergrond: Born in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada on October 25, 1891 to Irish-Catholic parents, Thomas J. Coughlin and Amelia Coughlin, Charles Edward Coughlin grew up under strict Catholic rule. He grew fond of the idea of joining the priesthood as a teen. Coughlin graduated from the University of Toronto in 1911. He then attended St. Basil’s Seminary in Toronto, and was ordained as a Catholic priest in 1916. Father Coughlin taught for seven years at the Assumption College in Windsor, Ontario, and then moved to the United States in 1923, by way of Detroit, Michigan.

Career: It was in Detroit that Father Coughlin began his broadcasts on radio, on WJR in 1926, where he preached a weekly sermon. By the early 1930s the content of his broadcasts had shifted from theology to economics and politics, just as the rest of the nation was concerned by matters economic and political as a result of the Depression. Until 1931, when the station was unexpectedly dropped, CBS had provided free sponsorship. Determined to keep his broadcasts alive, Father Coughlin raised the necessary money, and continued to reach out to millions of listeners. He was one of the first political leaders to use the medium of radio to reach a mass audience, as possibly thirty million listeners tuned to his weekly broadcasts during the 1930s.

Father Coughlin’s influence on Depression-era America was enormous. In the early 1930s, Coughlin was, arguably, one of the most influential men in America. Millions of Americans listened to his weekly radio broadcast. At the height of his popularity, one-third of the nation was tuned into his weekly broadcasts. Coughlin had a well-developed theory of what he termed “social justice,” predicated on monetary “reforms.” He began as an early supporter of Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt, coining a famous expression, that the nation’s choice was between “Roosevelt or ruin.”

Father Coughlin viewed President Roosevelt as a radical social reformer like himself. Roosevelt’s rhetoric during his inaugural address implicitly promised to “drive the money changers from the temple.” This was music to Coughlin’s ears since a core part of his own message was monetary reform. Roosevelt’s early monetary policy seemed to fulfill this promise and so Coughlin viewed him as the savior of the nation. But when FDR failed to follow-on with additional radical reforms, Coughlin turned against him. By 1936, he would support a third-party candidacy against FDR’s reelection bid and would even say this of Roosevelt:

“The great betrayer and liar, Franklin D. Roosevelt, who promised to drive the money changers from the temple, had succeeded [only] in driving the farmers from their homesteads and the citizens from their homes in the cities. . . I ask you to purge the man who claims to be a Democrat, from the Democratic Party, and I mean Franklin Double-Crossing Roosevelt.”

Later in the 1930s he became one of the president’s harshest critics. His program of “social justice” was a very radical challenge to capitalism and to many of the political

institutions of his day. Although his core message was one of economic populism, his sermons also included attacks on prominent Jewish figures–attacks that many people considered evidence of anti-Semitism.

The years to come were perhaps the most damaging in the public’s eye. After the election in 1936, Father Coughlin became a sympathetic supporter of the fascist policies of Hitler and Mussolini. His CBS radio broadcasts were blatantly aimed at the Jewish community, citing that “international conspiracy of Jewish bankers” caused the Great Depression, and that Jewish bankers were behind the Russian Revolution. Coughlin then published a newspaper, Social Justice, in which the anti-Semitic views became even more poignant and forthright. After Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor and the ensuing declaration of war in December of 1941, Coughlin and other isolationists were viewed as sympathetic to the enemy.

In 1942, the Catholic community had enough of Father Coughlin’s outspoken views, and the new bishop of Detroit ordered Coughlin to cease and desist with any and all political activities and return to the duties of a parish priest. Coughlin immediately complied and remained the pastor of the Shrine of the Little Flower until 1966, when he retired. Until his death October 25, 1979 at the age of 88, in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, Coughlin continued to write pamphlets denouncing Communism.

Social Security Administration History: www.ssa.gov/history

Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia: http://en.wikipedia.org

Father Coughlin, The Radio Priest : Political Views, Old Time Radio, And Religion: www.fathercoughlin.org

Books about Father Coughlin:

Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. The Age of Roosevelt: The Politics of Upheaval, 1935-1936. New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2003. (Originally published in 1960.)

Marcus, Sheldon. Father Coughlin: The Tumultuous Life Of The Priest Of The Little Flower. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1972. ISBN 0-316-54596-1

How to Cite this Article (APA Format): Hansan, J.E. (2013). Coughlin, Father Charles. Social Welfare History Project. Retrieved [date accessed] from http://socialwelfare.library.vcu.edu/eras/great-depression/coughlin-father-charles/

Resources related to this topic may be found in the Social Welfare History Image Portal.


Father Charles Coughlin occupied both a strange and a familiar place in American politics in the 1930s. Politically radical, a passionate democrat, he nevertheless was a bigot who freely vented angry, irrational charges and assertions. A Catholic priest, he broadcast weekly radio sermons that by 1930 drew as many as forty-five million listeners. Strongly egalitarian, deeply suspicious of elites, a champion of what he saw as the ordinary person’s rights, Coughlin frequently and vigorously attacked capitalism, communism, socialism, and dictatorship By the mid-1930s, his talks took on a nasty edge as he combined harsh attacks on Roosevelt as the tool of international Jewish bankers with praise for the fascist leaders Benito Mussolini and Adolph Hitler. The “Radio Priest’s” relentless anti-elitism pushed Roosevelt to sharpen his own critiques of elites, and in that sense Coughlin had a powerful impact on American politics beyond his immediate radio audience. This 1937 sermon, “Twenty Years Ago,” reflected much of what made Coughlin popular.

Charles Coughlin: What of democracy as well as what of capitalism?

Oh, capitalism shall never again flourish as once it did. Capitalism has been almost taxed out of existence in an effort to meet the coupons and the bonds, in an effort to meet the dole system that is absolutely unnecessary in a country of our wealth.

And democracy? All we who twenty years ago entered a war to fight its battles to make the world safe for democracy, tonight we stand aghast because its last fortification, its last tower of strength, the Supreme Court of America, who has been a protector of the rights of the poor, who has been the protector of the rights of the rich, who has been the protector of the liberties of all, is now assailed and is now the target for those who blame it for our misdemeanors and who blame it for the Depression and the following misery which eventuated from it.

Somebody must be blamed, of course. But those in power always forget to blame themselves. They always forget to read the Constitution of the United States of America that says, “Congress has the power to issue and regulate the value of money.” And blinding their eyes to that as they protect the private issuance of money and the private fixation of money, we are going merrily on our way.

Perhaps, perhaps another ambassador from another foreign capital shall come upon the scene. Perhaps, despite the advice of Washington of no foreign entanglements, despite the passage of the Jansen Act, which forbids us to lend money to those who already have borrowed it and who have not returned their loans, perhaps despite those things, some way, some miraculous way shall be found to project America into the next maelstrom. And democracy once more, thinking that it has power within its soul, shall rise up to clap and applaud, because the youth of the land is going abroad to make the world safe for what? Safe for dictatorship? Safe against communism abroad when we have communism at home? Safe from socialism in France when we have socialism in America? Or safe, safe for the international bankers?

I ask you to think seriously of your decisions last November. You have asked for the New Deal that is an ancient deal in all its finance. You have what you asked for. I ask you to abide by your decision. You have been warned a thousand times. Those who warned you should now bow their heads. Even though truth be on their side, you have paid the price, democratic America. And now it is your turn to bear the burden in silence like men keeping America safe for democracy.


Amerikaanse ervaring

Reverend Charles E. Coughlin

One of the first public figures to make effective use of the airwaves, Charles E. Coughlin, was for a time one of the most influential personalities on American radio. At the height of his popularity in the early 1930s, some 30 million listeners tuned in to hear his emotional messages. Many of his speeches were rambling, disorganized, repetitious, and as time went by, they became increasingly full of bigoted rhetoric. But as a champion of the poor, a foe of big business, and a critic of federal indifference in the face of widespread economic distress, he spoke to the hopes and fears of lower-middle class Americans throughout the country. Years later, a supporter remembered the excitement of attending one of his rallies: "When he spoke it was a thrill like Hitler. And the magnetism was uncanny. It was so intoxicating, there's no use saying what he talked about. "

Born into a devoutly religious Catholic family on October 25, 1891, Coughlin grew up in a comfortable middle-class home in Toronto. He was ordained into the Catholic priesthood in 1916. By 1926, Coughlin had made a strong impression on the bishop of Detroit, who authorized him to build the Shrine of the Little Flower. Typical of Coughlin's dramatic excesses, the church he constructed, which was intended to serve a small parish of some two dozen families, could seat about 600. For pews Coughlin installed theater seats.

In 1927 Coughlin offered the first Catholic services on the radio. They were an immediate success. Part of Coughlin's appeal can be credited to his understanding of what the American public wanted to hear, but many attributed his popularity in part to the sound of his mellifluous voice. Writer Wallace Stegner described it as a "voice of such mellow richness, such manly, heart-warming confidential intimacy, such emotional and ingratiating charm, that anyone tuning past it almost automatically returned to hear it again." In the fall of 1930, CBS picked up Coughlin's radio show, broadcasting it over a national network for the first time. The priest began receiving approximately 80,000 letters a week.

In the 1932 presidential election campaign, Coughlin was a staunch supporter of FDR, avowing that it was either "Roosevelt or Ruin." For Coughlin, the highlight of the campaign was an invitation to speak at the Democratic National Convention. Although FDR had borrowed some of Coughlin's rhetoric, after his election victory, he moved to distance himself from the radio priest. Coughlin grew more critical of the Roosevelt Administration. In November of 1934, Coughlin set up his own organization, the National Union for Social Justice. Two years later he began publishing a nationally circulating paper called "Social Justice" and, as his public identification with Roosevelt's New Deal politics waned, he began to seek closer grounds with some of the most right-wing and reactionary groups in the country.

Although anti-Semitic themes appeared in some of Coughlin's speeches fairly early in his career, it wasn't until the late 1930s that the priest's rhetoric became increasingly filled with attacks on Jews. By 1938, the pages of "Social Justice" were frequently filled with accusations about Jewish control of America's financial institutions. In the summer of that year, Coughlin published a version of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion." A virulently anti-Semitic piece of propaganda that had originated in Russia at the turn of the century, the "Protocols" accused Jews of planning to seize control of the world. Jewish leaders were shocked by Coughlin's actions.

Later that year, the radio priest delivered perhaps his most startling and hateful speech to date. In response to the November 10, 1938, "Kristallnacht" attack on Jews in German-controlled territory, Coughlin began by asking, "Why is there persecution in Germany today?" He went on to explain that "Jewish persecution only followed after Christians first were persecuted."

The owner of WMCA, the New York station that carried Coughlin's show, refused to broadcast Coughlin's next radio message. The Nazi press reacted to the news with fury: "America is Not Allowed to Hear the Truth" declared one headline. "Jewish organizations camouflaged as American. have conducted such a campaign. that the radio station company has proceeded to muzzle the well-loved Father Coughlin." A "New York Times" correspondent in Germany noted that Coughlin had become for the moment "the hero of Nazi Germany."


Primêre bronne

(1) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (October, 1930)

Volgens die New York Times of October 1st, 1930, these dividends for the first nine months of 1930 amounted to $3,621,000,000 as compared with $2,395,000,000 during the same nine months of 1929.

In the great year of prosperity, 1929, industries upon which forty per cent of our wage earners depend for a living actually employed 900,000 fewer wage earners than they did in the meager year of 1919 although the business handled was far greater. In manufacturing, our factories fabricated forty-two per cent more products with 546,000 fewer wage earners, our railroads increased their business by seven per cent with 253,000 fewer employees.

(2) Charles Coughlin, Radio Discourses: 1931-32 (1933)

I remember that on March 7, 1930, more than one year and a half ago, the former Secretary of Commerce, Mr. Hoover, announced: "All evidences indicate that the worst effect of the crash of unemployment will have passed within the next sixty days." That was in the spring of 1930. I recollect that he and hundreds of others to whom 10,000 facts were well-known were busy preaching to us that prosperity was just around the corner. It appears to have been a circular corner to which they referred a corner which if we could turn, we would not be willing to negotiate if it fore-shadows a repetition of these recent occurrences for the children of generations to come.

(3) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (17th January, 1934)

President Roosevelt is not going to make a mistake, for God Almighty is guiding him. President Roosevelt has leadership, he has followers and he is the answer to many prayers that were sent up last year.

If Congress fails to carry through with the President's suggestions, I foresee a revolution far greater than the French Revolution. It is either Roosevelt or Ruin.

(4) Charles Coughlin explained to John M. Carlisle how he prepared his radio sermons. The article was published in the New York Times Magazine on 29th October, 1933.

I write the discourse, first in my own language, the language of a cleric. Then I rewrite it, using metaphors the public can grasp, toning the phrases down to the language of the man-in-the-street. Radio broadcasting, I have found, must not be high hat. It must be human, intensely human. It must be simple.

(5) Wallace Stegner, The Radio Priest and His Flock (1949)

Father Coughlin had a voice of such mellow richness, such manly, heartwarming, confidential intimacy, such emotional and ingratiating charm, that anyone tuning past it on the radio dial almost automatically returned to hear it again. It was without doubt one of the great speaking voices of the twentieth century. It was a voice made for promises.

(6) John O'Connor, speech in Congress (18th February, 1936)

Every decent Catholic in America has been ashamed of him since he came to this country. There isn't a clergyman of the Catholic Church except one (Bishop Gallagher of Detroit) that I know of who has approved of his desecration of the cloth by his intrusion into politics.

I personally never heard a Catholic priest talk politics from the pulpit. In the old days of prohibition and the KKK the cry of many of us to Bishop Cannon was "Back to the pulpit. Stay where you belong."

Just because Father Coughlin is an egomaniac he thinks he can run the government. He stepped into the bonus and world court issues, but had as much to do with Congressional action on them as any elevator operator in the Capital.

(7) Charles Edward Coughlin, Principles of the National Union of Social Justice (1936)

Establishing my principles upon upon this preamble, namely, that we are all creatures of a beneficent God, made to love and serve Him in this world and to enjoy Him forever in the next and that all this world's wealth of field and forest, of mine and river has been bestowed upon us by a kind Father, therefore, I believe that wealth as we know it originates from the natural resources and from the labor which the sons of God expend upon these resources. It is all ours except for the harsh, cruel and grasping ways of wicked men who first concentrated wealth into the hands of a few, then dominated states and finally commenced to pit state against state in the frightful catastrophes of commercial warfare.

With this as a preamble, then, these following shall be the principles of social justice towards whose realization we must strive.

1. I believe in the right of liberty of conscience and liberty of education, not permitting the state to dictate either my worship to my God or my chosen avocation in life.

2.1 believe that every citizen willing to work and capable of working shall receive a just and living annual wage which will enable him to maintain and educate his family according to the standards of American decency.

3. I believe in nationalizing those public necessities which by their very nature are too important to be held in the control of private individuals. By these I mean banking, credit and currency, power, light, oil and natural gas and our God-given natural resources.

4. I believe in private ownership of all other property.

5. I believe in upholding the right to private property yet in controlling it for the public good.

6. I believe in the abolition of the privately owned Federal Reserve Banking system and in the establishment of a Government owned Central Bank.

7. I believe in rescuing from the hands of private owners the right to coin and regulate the value of money, which right must be restored to Congress where it belongs.

8. I believe that one of the chief duties of this Government owned Central Bank is to maintain the cost of living on an even keel and the repayment of dollar debts with equal value dollars.

9. I believe in the cost of production plus a fair profit for the farmer.

10. I believe not only in the right of the laboring man to organize in unions but also in the duty of the Government which that laboring man supports to facilitate and to protect these organizations against the vested interests of wealth and of intellect.

11. I believe in the recall of all non-productive bonds and thereby in the alleviation of taxation.

12. I believe in the abolition of tax-exempt bonds.

13. I believe in the broadening of the base of taxation founded upon the ownership of wealth and the capacity to pay.

14. I believe in the simplification of government, and the further lifting of crushing taxation from the slender revenues of the laboring class.

15. I believe that in the event of a war for the defense of our nation and its liberties, there shall be a conscription of wealth as well as a conscription of men.

16. I believe in preferring the sanctity of human rights to the sanctity of property rights. I believe that the chief concern of government shall be for the poor because, as it is witnessed, the rich have ample means of their own to care for themselves.

These are my beliefs. These are the fundamentals of the organization which I present to you under the name of the National Union for Social Justice. It is your privilege to reject or accept my beliefs to follow me or repudiate me.

(8) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (5th April, 1937)

To learn social justice to organize against sit-down legislatures and Congressmen to battle Communism, Fascism and anti-Christianity wherever and whenever it is possible to cure democracy before it withers and perishes to protect our Supreme Court to oppose the evils of modern capitalism without joining in the excesses of radical labor organizers and to secure an honest dollar and an honest living for all Americans.

(9) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (11th April, 1938)

America will soon taste the bitter tears of a worse depression than 1929. You will live to see your meager pocketbooks fail to meet the costs of foodstuffs.

You will live to see before next April a depression setting in, in this country, that will make Mr. Hoover look like an archangel by comparison.

Any jackass can spend money. Any crackpot with money at his disposal can build for himself a dictatorial crown. It takes no brains to be liberal with other people's money.

It is time for the American public to perform a sit-down strike - not on industry, not on men of commerce, but on politicians. They are sitting down on you, waiting for the government executioner, waiting for the last chapter of the Bill of Rights to be burned at the stake like a witch, waiting for the Supreme Court to put its head on the chopping block.

(10) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (25th July, 1938)

The term "Popular Front" was coined by European Communists as an appealing smoke-screen behind which to conceal their subversive destructionism.

The moniker "Democratic Front" is the latest catchpole by which the Browderites hope to ensnare deluded Americans in a Red web. Never in the history of language has a word been so misused as "democracy" by Communists in this country. The fact that they have the effrontery to use the word despite what has happened under Communism in Russia, Spain and Mexico is some indication of their contempt for the intelligence of American citizens.

If there must be "fronts," let us have a Christian Front!

Not a "front" to throttle, enslave and destroy America, but one to preserve America as one of the last frontiers of human liberty!

Outside of practical Christianity in the United States, all is darkness, confusion and despair. On one side stand the unrelenting rocks of greedy industrial capitalism. On the other, billowing swells of mistreated workers are being

gradually rolled up into a Communist sea.

Without applied Christianity there can be no charity on one side, no peace on the other.

Then - let us have a Christian Front!

A Christian Front made up of Catholics and Protestants who still believe that America, as it is now, is capable of containing both capital and labor under conditions of progress and mutual co-operation.

A Christian Front that will force industrial capitalism to yield to labor a fairer share of the nation's wealth.

A Christian Front of such solidity and energy as will curb the Molochs of international finance and will restore to the Congress of the United States its Constitutional right to issue and regulate the money of this Nation.

A Christian Front that will never compromise with Communism, Fascism, Nazism or any other movement tending to destroy representative government.

A Christian Front that will not temporize for a moment with the hypocrisy of subversive agents who attempt by mealy-mouthed insincerity to show "there is nothing irreconcilable between Christianity and Communism."

A Christian Front which is not afraid of the word "fascist" because it knows the word "fascist" is merely bandied about as part of Communism's offense mechanism.

A Christian Front which will not tear to be called "anti-Semitic," because it knows the term "anti-Semitic" is only another pet phrase of castigation in Communism's glossary of attack.

A Christian Front that will be for America at Washington - not against America from Moscow!

(11) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (21st November, 1938)

Is it not true that Communism has made progress in the world - Communism which is anti-Christ, anti-God, anti-liberty, anti-Christian and only pro-Semite as long as the Semites do not practice their own ancient religion?

Is it not true that some unseen force has woven the threads of international banking to the detriment of civilization that a godless force is dominating industry, has monopolized control of many industrial activities, has used governments as their servants, and has been instrumental in flinging one nation against another nation's throat?

Is it not true that even the so-called freedom of the press and of the radio is questionable when we view the propaganda which niters through the ether to the detriment of peace and prosperity?

Is it not true that gold, the international medium of exchange, has been concentrated in the hands of a few private individuals while nations languished, poverty-stricken, with want in the midst of plenty?

Is it not true that there is an intensification of armament building that discord and hostility are being sown throughout the world that we are being conditioned to expect the outbreak of a universal war?

(12) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (28th November, 1938)

Believe me, my friends, it is in all charity that I speak these words as I seek to discover the causes that produced the effect known as Nazis - Nazism which was evolved to act as a defense mechanism against the incursions of Communism. Let us not forget the object of this discussion. My purpose is to contribute a worthwhile suggestion to eradicate from this world its mania for persecution.

(13) John Cogley, editor of the Chicago Catholic Worker, letter to Charles Coughlin (22nd May, 1939)

In a sense you are the most powerful Catholic voice in the United States today. You are a unique priest. You are heartily disliked. You are genuinely beloved. You are a definite, undeniable force on what novelists like to call the American scene. Your opinions sway millions you dismay millions more.

You were a pioneer, and nobody who is devoted to the cause of social justice can forget that it was you who first made the word encyclical a part of America's working vocabulary.

But there is an unmistakable group of your faithful friends, violent supporters of you and your program, that have come popularly to be called "Coughlinites." They get into people's hair. They get into mine. At times they probably get into yours. They are probably good simple people who don't have much sense, and it should not reflect on you that they have rallied beneath your banner.

This "fringe" has become notorious for its burning anti-Semitism, and they have persisted in canonizing you as the patron of prejudice. They have become psychotic on the question of Jews. They are using your controversial Russian revolutionist figures to justify a senseless, unchristian attitude toward Mrs. Cohen, the delicatessen lady around the corner, and Meyer, the insurance collector. They have confused your anti-Communism campaign with an anti-Semitism campaign.

These Christians, many of them Catholics who are known as "Coughlinites," have the thing all balled up. Something should be done to set them right. Somebody should talk to them. They would listen if you did. What you could say would help to make up for the pain and insult many innocent, godly Jews have received from your confused followers.

(14) Charles Coughlin, radio broadcast (5th June, 1939)

When, either in speech or writing, have I advocated Nazism? It is true that I have regarded it as a defense mechanism against Communism. It is true - this following statement is supported by incontestable facts - that many Jews were among those responsible for furthering Communism in Germany and bringing that country to such a despondent state that Nazism became a reality.

(15) Charles Coughlin, interviewed by Edward Doherty, The Liberty magazine (12th August, 1939)

The average Jew, the kind we admire and respect, has been placed in jeopardy by his guilty leaders. He pays for their Godlessness, their persecution of Christians, their attempts to poison the whole world with Communism.

My purpose is to help eradicate from the world its mania for persecution, to help align all good men. Catholic and Protestant, Jew and Gentile, Christian and non-Christian, in a battle to stamp out the ferocity, the barbarism and the hate of this bloody era. I want the good Jews with me, and I'm called a Jew baiter, an anti-Semite.

I am anti-Communist and anti-Nazi. I am an American. No true American can favor either Communism or Nazism. We must admit, though, that pro-Communist sentiment is growing in America. Newspaper and radio propaganda is responsible along with the shallow thinking of those exposed to that propaganda. In order to whip up sentiment for Communism our people are being flooded with accounts of Nazi atrocities. You almost never hear anything or read anything about Communist persecutions.

(16) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (9 September 1940)

On previous occasions Congressmen have called for the impeachment of the President.

On those occasions most citizens disagreed with the Congressmen.

At length, however, an event has transpired which now marks Franklin D. Roosevelt as a dangerous citizen of the Republic - dangerous insofar as he has transcended the bounds of his Executive position.

In plain language, without the knowledge or consent of Congress, he has denuded this country of thirty-six flying fortresses, either selling or giving them to Great Britain.

By this action Franklin D. Roosevelt had torpedoed our national defense, loving Great Britain more than the United States.

He has consorted with the enemies of civilization - through the continued recognition of Soviet Russia.

He has deceived the citizens of the United States - telling the newspaper reporters, who are the people's eyes and ears at Washington, that he did not know the whereabouts of these flying fortresses.

He has transcended the bounds of his Executive position - spurning the authority of Congress.

He has invited the enmity of powerful foreign nations- on whose natural resources we depend for essential tin and rubber.

Because he has encouraged the British government to reopen the Burma Road, and encouraged Britain to declare war on the German government, when Britain was unable to care for the English people - he stands revealed as the world's chief war-monger.

All these events, culminating with the transfer of these 36 flying fortresses without the consent of Congress, demand that he be impeached.

(17) Charles Coughlin, Social Justice (8th December, 1941)

Stalin's idea to create world revolution and Hitler's so- called threat to seek world domination are not half as dangerous combined as is the proposal of the current British and American administrations to seize all raw materials in the world.

Many people are beginning to wonder who they should fear most - the Roosevelt-Churchill combination or the Hitler-Mussolini combination.



Kommentaar:

  1. Sid

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  2. Oswin

    I have thought and the thought has taken away

  3. Travon

    Wat presies wil u sê?



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